Josine Stremmelaar

What does a transition from emergency to recovery look like for Acholi people? Of course, to leave the camps and returning to villages is a major change for most of the people. Also a change in government structures is taking place. And I am extremely interested to follow that process in the next one and half years, hoping that the transition will be a smooth!

When the population was displaced in often large camps, the United Nations agencies and the district governments put the camp management structures in place. Officially, the local government system remained in existence, but they could barely function in the camps as they were just as displaced as their people.

In each camp one IDP was selected as ‘camp commandant’, who was the focal point for all humanitarian actors and responsible for a range of camp operational tasks such as food distribution, giving him substantial authority in the eyes of the camp population. Camps were divided in blocks and each had a block leader, who supported the work of the camp commandant. In some camps the people living in a block would come from the same village or parish. In other camps the population would be more or less scattered. The block leaders were therefore usually not the same figures as person that had local government functions.

This parallel structure is now officially abolished. In Gulu district the camp commandant were rewarded and a ceremony was organised. The responsibilities were handed over to the leadership (Local Councils, LCs) at village (LC1), parish (LC2) and sub-county level (LC3).

LCs are thus supposed to be up-and-running again, but the challenges are many. A major issue is their legitimacy. The last LC1 elections were held in 2001, before the displacement and peak in the conflict. In the first multi-party elections in Uganda in 2006, there were no LC1 elections as the government could not figure out how multi-partyism should work out at village level. The current LC1 persons have thus been in office since 2001! The opposition party therefore submitted a case to the court, saying that LC1 were illegitimate and elected under the one-party system. The court then ruled that LC1s were ‘illegal’. They should, however, be recognised until new local elections are organised.

Another issue is their capacity. The people in LC1 and LC2 positions have suffered from the conflict and displacement as any other. They have not performed their functions for many years. Many lack the knowledge, others are still recovering from encampment or fell into excessive alcohol consumption.

Then there is the issue of how people perceive the LC1 and to what extent they are seen as legitimate. According to several NGOs the people do see them as their official leaders, because they need them for every tiny little thing; documents, references etc. They are the ones closest to the people.

I am just so curious to know how the LC1 people are actually taking up their roles again and how the relation between them and their constituency developed. I wonder whether and the experiences in the IDP camps are carried along into the villages. When I am back in next year to carry out the field research in the villages this will be something I will study carefully.